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Where the Right Went Wrong: How Neoconservatives Subverted the Reagan Revolution and Hijacked the Bush Presidency, by Patrick J. Buchanan
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American Empire is at its apex. We are the sole superpower with no potential challenger for a generation. We can reach any point on the globe with our cruise missiles and smart bombs and our culture penetrates every nook and cranny of the global village. Yet we are now the most hated country on earth, buried beneath a mountain of debt and morally bankrupt.
Where the Right Went Wrong chronicles how the Bush administration and Beltway conservatives have abandoned their principles, and how a tiny cabal hijacked U. S. foreign policy, and may have ignited a "war of civilizations" with the Islamic world that will leave America's military mired down in Middle East wars for years to come.
At the same time, these Republicans have sacrificed the American worker on the altar of free trade and discarded the beliefs of Taft, Goldwater and Reagan to become a party of Big Government that sells its soul to the highest bidder.
A damning portrait of the present masters of the GOP, Where the Right Went Wrong calls to task the Bush administration for its abandonment of true conservatism including:
*The neo-conservative cabal-liberal wolves in conservative suits.
*Why the Iraq War has widened and imperiled the War on Terror.
*How current trade policy outsources American sovereignty, independence and industrial power.
"Buchanan is an honest writer who...minces nothing except an occasional opponent."
--The Philadelphia Inquirer
- Sales Rank: #872852 in Books
- Published on: 2005-05-01
- Released on: 2005-04-21
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.00" h x .65" w x 6.00" l, .95 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 288 pages
- ISBN13: 9780312341169
- Condition: New
- Notes: BRAND NEW FROM PUBLISHER! 100% Satisfaction Guarantee. Tracking provided on most orders. Buy with Confidence! Millions of books sold!
Amazon.com Review
Although the George W. Bush administration is famous for being "on message," delivering a consistent and polished political perspective no matter what, such consistency apparently does not extend to every member of the conservative universe. In Where the Right Went Wrong, veteran pundit and occasional presidential candidate Patrick Buchanan offers up scathing criticisms of Bush's policies, the arrogance and boorishness of which, he warns, could ultimately dramatically destabilize the United States' superpower status. The problem, in Buchanan's eyes, is the rejection of traditional Reagan-era conservatism by an administration under the sway of the so-called "neoconservatives," who favor a pre-emptive military strategy and big government and don't mind running up dangerously huge budget deficits to support it. The war in Iraq, fought without direct demonstrable threat, alienates America in the eyes of the rest of the world, says Buchanan, squandering the global goodwill earned after the 9/11 attacks and creating exponentially larger numbers of terrorists who will threaten the U.S. for generations to come. The zeal over free trade among elected officials, a feeling notably not shared by Buchanan, Ross Perot, and Ralph Nader, is costing America jobs, Buchanan theorizes, and leading to a de-industrialized service-sector-only economy, an end to American self-sufficiency in favor of a reliance on global corporations, and a looming economic crisis. Refreshingly, and unlike pundits of his day, Buchanan crafts his arguments by examining world history, offering detailed analogies to the Roman Empire, the Civil War, and pre-Soviet Russia among others. Conservatives alienated by the Bush administration will find an eloquent champion in Buchanan and even liberals, who may not have known there was a conservative argument against war in Iraq, stand to learn something from a right side of the aisle perspective so different from that found in the Bush White House. --John Moe
From Publishers Weekly
In his indictment of the current Bush administration and its "neoconservative" policies, pundit and occasional presidential candidate Buchanan likens the American condition to that of Rome before the fall, citing "ominous analogies" such as "the decline of religion and morality, corruption of the commercial class, and a debased and decadent culture." According to Buchanan, the blame for this state of affairs rests squarely in the lap of "neoconservatives," who are mere liberals in sheep’s clothing. These neocons, the author contends, have wrestled control of the Republican party out of the hands of true conservatives such as himself, Barry Goldwater and, of course, Ronald Reagan—with disastrous results. Buchanan takes issue with Bush’s policies on, among other things, immigration, terrorism, imperialism, the Middle East, free trade and the deficit. What may come as a surprise to readers is Buchanan’s position on the war in Iraq, which he believes was an enormous error in judgment. "By attacking and occupying an Arab nation that had no role in 9/11, no plans to attack us, and no weapons of mass destruction, we played into bin Laden’s hand," Buchanan writes. But liberals won’t stay on board with the book’s message for long, especially when it comes to issues of culture and social policy. Buchanan is against affirmative action, abortion and gay rights, to name a few, and he believes immigration poses a serious threat to the American way of life. At times, Buchannan obscures his arguments with ill-chosen words that many will read as xenophobic, if not racist. In a discussion of illegal Mexican immigrants, for example, he calls California "Mexifornia" and adds, "Ten years after NAFTA, Mexico’s leading export to America is still—Mexicans. America is becoming Mexamerica." Whether or not one agrees with these conclusions, Buchanan’s book is provocative and will certainly ruffle feathers on both sides of the party line.
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Review
“Warm and self-deprecating, surprisingly witty, honest to a fault about his political views and not quite as knee-jerk a Reagan conservative as I'd been led to expect. Mr. Buchanan has a secret weapon: charm.” ―Fred Barnes in The New York Times
“Patrick Buchanan is Dennis the Menance with the pen of H. L. Mencken.” ―The Christian Science Monitor
“Patrick Buchanan is one hell of a wordsmith...” ―The Village Voice
Most helpful customer reviews
41 of 43 people found the following review helpful.
This Is Not Your Dad's Republican Party
By the dirty mac
Patrick J. Buchanan is a long-time conservative pundit and activist who is alarmed at how the neoconservatives have raided the post-Reagan Republican Party. The neocons, he warns, are taking the GOP and the country down a hazardous road. In the name of waging "war on terror" they are spearheading a utopian, open-ended, and downright unconservative policy of overthrowing Arab Muslim governments (regardless of which one actually had a hand in 9/11) and (cough, cough) "democratizing" them from the top-down.
Buchanan is especially good at debunking the "moral clarity" so near and dear to neocon hearts: "In this most Christianized of countries [the U.S.], premarital sex, homosexual unions and abortions are considered normal and moral by our cultural elites [including the more hypocritical neocons]. Islamic societies reject them as immoral. Who does President Bush believe is right?...In a war against 'evil-doers,' on whose side is Beijing?...In World War 2 we were allied with Stalin...in the Cold War with the Shah and General Pinochet. America triumphed by putting 'moral clarity' on the shelf....Were we acting immorally?" Excellent questions all.
So far as it goes, Buchanan's critique contains some serious bite and plenty of truth. However, he is mistaken to dump the blame entirely in the laps of the neocons. There is a second equally important culprit: the religious right.
The reason the GOP has changed so much since the late '80s is because its two newest and loudest constituent groups, the neocons and the religious right, are not traditional Republican constituencies at all. Rather, they are the direct descendents of the two most extreme wings of the New Deal Democrat coalition: the Marxists and Trotskyists of the Old Left (today's neocons) and the segregationist Democrats of the Old South (today's religious right; Pat Robertson's father, Senator A. Willis Robertson of Virginia, was a Dixiecrat segregationist). Both groups were alienated by the rise of the New Left, Black Power and the militant anti-war movement in and around the Democratic Party in the late 1960s and early '70s. Both groups eventually discarded the New Deal "class war" and embraced the "culture war" instead. Both rallied to Ronald Reagan's banner in 1980. They have slowly but steadily consolidated their grip on the GOP ever since.
At the elite level, Buchanan's neoconservative enemies from the Northeast provided the theories and brainpower, such as they were, for the Iraq War. However, it was Buchanan's friends (or former friends?) among the evangelical Protestants in the so-called "red states" in the South who provided the votes and the grassroots fervor. You can't discuss one without the other, and neither one could succeed without the other.
Buchanan also understates how much neoconservatism has evolved. The neoconservatism of 1980-84 was not the same as the neoconservatism of 2000-04. What happened? The neocons who began on the far left (Irving Kristol, Norman Podhoretz) slid over to the far right and played footsie with Jerry Falwell. By the end of George H.W. Bush's administration in 1992, their children or successors (William Kristol, Richard Perle) won over key members of the Republican establishment (Dick Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld). The rest, as they say, is history.
Meanwhile, the neocons who began as centrist Democrats (Samuel Huntington, Daniel Bell, Daniel Patrick Moynihan) more or less remained centrist Democrats. When neoconservatism drifted too far to the right, they melted away and maintained a safe distance from the Republicans. That's why neoconservatism seems so extreme today. Buchanan acknowledges how Huntington has drawn fire from younger neocons such as David Brooks, but he mentions this only in passing.
Buchanan is no slouch as a culture warrior, yet his conservative instincts make him recoil from the $1.5 billion "pro-marriage initiative" unveiled by the Bush White House in 2004. The idea was that you, dear taxpayer, must subsidize marriage counseling with sectarian religious overtones. However, let us remember that this was a sop to the religious right, not to the neocons. Most liberals would oppose such meddling on separation-of-church-and-state grounds, but Buchanan's opposition derives from questions surrounding the original intent of the Founders: "Where in the Constitution is the federal government empowered to take money from U.S. citizens to teach other citizens how to have 'healthy marriages'?...Where LBJ funded poverty groups to build a power base in the cities independent of mayors, George W. Bush plans to fund God's pork for 'faith-based' groups to enable Republicans to get a foot in the church door by making the pastor dependent on federal dollars."
Maybe we shouldn't be surprised. Like the neocons, the religious right retains its New Deal DNA. They have no problem with $400 billion budget deficits and Big Government -- so long as Big Government promotes THEIR agenda. Dick Cheney said so himself: "Budget deficits don't matter."
Buchanan roasts the Bush Republicans for embracing "the free-trade faith preached by the party of Wilson and FDR" and "the free-trade policies of JFK and LBJ." Huh? The Roosevelt/Truman and Kennedy/Johnson Democrats were not free traders by today's standards. After WWII, they merely sought to reduce tariffs among First World countries to help Western Europe recover from the devastation of the war. No more, no less. Even organized labor went along with this limited conception of free trade. You can't compare them to the Bush Republicans or to the corporate-friendly Clinton Democrats of the 1990s, let alone to the 19th century British free traders. FDR, Truman, JFK, LBJ and Hubert Humphrey never would have supported free-trade treaties with Third World governments, such as NAFTA. Similarly, Roosevelt supported the immigration restrictions enacted in the 1920s. He would have gagged at today's de facto open-border policy with Mexico and the resulting parade of cheap labor (and perhaps a few terrorists) condoned by George W. Bush and Vicente Fox.
But despite its blind spots and misleading aspects, Buchanan's condemnation of the GOP is essentially accurate. This is not your father's Republican Party. The administration of George W. Bush may be called many things. "Conservative" is not one of them.
46 of 49 people found the following review helpful.
Have The Neo-Cons Led Us Into A Permanent Decline?
By SUPPORT THE ASPCA.
The author delves deeply into the negative changes in both the USA & the Republican party brought about by the neo-cons. He spends the first third of the book ridiculing the present Bush administration willing attitude toward waging war to spread democracy. With the bulk focusing on the Iraq war.
He shows how Richard Pearle & Paul Wolfiwitz convinced president G.Bush to adopt interventionist policies. In ch-3, he gives some historical background on Islam. from their early conflicts with the west to the present. In ch-4, he speaks of the vagueness of the term "war on terror." He feels it is an eternal war that can't truly be won. Chapter-5 was the most fascinating to this reader as he compares the USA's economic & military power to that of China's. In ch-6-8, he bashes the abysmal economic policies of the neo-cons. From out of control government spending, the huge deficits, the outsourcing of our manufacturing base, & the de-valuing of the dollar. If something is not done to reverse these trends he feels we will be in a permanent decline. In ch-9, he detests the craven Congress' surrender to the judicial branch. He feels the latter has become far to powerful in its negative influence on our citizenry.
In ch-10, "The Way Back Home" he concludes with advice on foreign policy, economic policy, immigration, Islam & terror. For both the USA & the Republican party he believes itis crucial that the traditionalist conservative ideological base take back the party from the neo-con wing of the party. Unlike his previous book "Death Of The West," he has plenty of statistics to back up his claims. In conclusion he feels it will take at least a decade to repair the damage done by the Bush administration. Lets
all hope it can be fixed faster than that?
1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Common Ground can be found
By Marilyn L. James
Buy the book and be an American first. Dare to find the common ground and unite us as a nation.
As a 23 year Democrat who registered Republican because I wanted to vote in the Kansas Republican primary (which never happened) for John McCain and who is now registered as an Independent I found much common ground in this book. If you throw out the comments about eliminating government departments that have been in existence all of my life by rolling back the New Deal and the Great Society, and the comments about the "liberal judiciary" I agree with everything else. I'm not for the type of 'Limited Government' we got during the aftermath of Hurricane Katrina which was a national disgrace of the first magnatude.
Chapter One - Democratic Imperialism and the war president
I was neither for nor against the War in Iraq. After hearing for years after the Gulf War that "we should have taken out Saddam" I knew that Bush would move to do so should he become president. I figure that if we have an all volunteer army, those soldiers know what they are getting themselves into and if they were willing to sign up and if they were for the war, then so be it.
Chapter Two - The war party hijackers of american foreign policy
Speaks for itself. Since this book was written two years ago its a shame it took this long to become public knowledge that the neocons had got us into a mess.
Chapter Three - Is Islam the enemy?
I don't want to wake up to the call to prayer for Muslims in America. I'm for diversity but only up to a point. I'm not for multi-culturalism. I'm more a nationalist/traditionalist who would like to see English as the national language. If a judge won't let this go into law, then impeach that judge.
Chapter Four - Unwinnable war?
How do we win against an idea?
Chapter Five - Crouching Tiger Hidden Dragon
Our trade deficit is out of control. I agree with that.
Chapter Six - Economic Treason
Definitely agree with what he has to say about this subject. Buchanan quotes historian Corelli Barnett in The Collapse of the British Power
"Central to liberalism was the belief that human progress and human happiness alike were best assumed by elevating individuals to compete freely with each other: laissez-faire; let them get on with it. What was socially necessary should be entrusted to spontaneous creation by private initiative. As Adam Smith, the founder of liberal economics, put it in 1776: "By pursuing his own interest [an individual] frequently promotes that of society, the more effectually than when he really intends to promote it." It was Adam Smith who formulated the doctrine of Free Trade, keystone of liberalism, which was to exercise as long-lived and as baneful effect on British power as Wesley and Whitfield's preaching.
This kind of liberalism I'm definitely no longer for. Roll-back NAFTA, CAFTA and all the rest. Put American industry first and certainly stop subsidizing our jobs going overseas. If its conservative to want to put the nation first above corporate interests, then I'm as conservative as they come!
Chapter Seven - Conservative Impersonators
I knew from day one that Bush was a wolf in sheep's clothing, WHY did it take so long for the American people to see it?
Chapter Eight - Falling Dollar, Failing Nation
Makes sense. One of these days our dollars going out to other nations is going to catch up with us. We can't sustain billion dollar trade deficits forever.
Chapter Nine - The Abdication of Congress and the rise of judicial dictatorshipl.
He's certainly correct about Congress abdicating its constitutional duties. Neither agree nor disagree about the judges. I guess its my libertarian streak that comes out when it comes to the government trying to tell me what I can and can't do with my own body, or, for that matter, those of my loved ones ala Terry Schiavo.
Chapter Ten - The way back home
He's wrong about always voting for his party whether right or wrong. We have much common ground. I'm really fed up with the politics of polarization. It isn't that the media is liberal or right-wing, its that its for confrontation and controversy. It makes them money. If we're all in agreement, where's the controversy, and therefore, the money, to be made in that? The American people in this mid-term election has finally said no to the divide and conquer tactics of Rove. Let's say no to the national news media as well and make them stop being an extension of the 'National Enquirer'.
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